Eternal Fires of Ancient Iran–On the Sasanian-era Ādur Gušnasp Zoroastrian Temple

Written by Afsheen Sharifzadeh, a graduate of Tufts University focusing on Iran and the Caucasus. This article provides a brief history of the Zoroastrian (Mazdean) religion and the Ādur Gušnasp fire temple located at Taḵt-e Solaymān (Shīz), Iran, which served an important role in the religious and political framework of the Sasanian Persian Empire

(1-5) The ruins of Ādur Gušnasp Fire Temple are situated on an extinct volcano 2,150 meters above sea level at Shīz, Iran. The complex sits atop sediments formed from the overflowing calcinating water of a thermal spring-lake (21° C) which formed in the volcano’s extinct crater. The site transports the observer to a bygone era, in which lofty passageways illuminated by the eternal fire’s soft glow would grant access to a large domed chamber housing Ādur Gušnasp in a grand stone fire-altar

Background
Immediately before the advent of Islam, a diverse range of religious beliefs existed among Iranian peoples, who once inhabited a vast region spanning from Gelonus to Seleucia-Ctesiphon to Khotan. These included native Iranian faiths such as Zoroastrianism (incl. Zurvanism), Manichaeism, Mazdakism, varieties of Iranian polytheism and the Scythian religion, as well as Indic traditions like Buddhism (Tantric Vajrayāna) and Abrahamic religions such as Christianity (Church of the East), Judaism and Gnosticism. However, Zoroastrianism (also called Behdin “the Good Religion”, Mazdaism or Mazdayasna, lit. “wisdom-celebration”) held the sole position of official patronage within the Sasanian Persian Empire beginning with Ardeshir I (r. 226–241 A.D.), the founder of the dynasty and grandson of the eponymous Zoroastrian high-priest of Staḵr, in Pārs, named Lord Sāsān (Sāsān xʷadāy). By the reign of Shapur II (r. 309–379 A.D.), it was declared the official state religion in a move, in all probability, to curtail sympathies towards the Christian state church of its archenemy, the Roman Empire. The Zoroastrian attitude of non-proselytization, however, fostered a policy of religious tolerance—a tradition started by the Persian Achaemenids and continued by the Arsacids—which facilitated strategic inclusivity of Christians, Gnostics, Jews, Manichaeans and Buddhists as a means of sustaining social harmony. Central to Zoroastrian ethics is the concept of personal agency and individual choice as a result of free thought; thus, proselytization was discouraged, while self-initiated conversion was welcomed. By contrast in the Roman Empire, coercive conversion and persecution against non-Christians was frequently used as a tool for maintaining societal cohesion.

(1) A large relief of the investiture of the Sasanian king Ardashir II at Tāq-i-Bustān, Kermānshāh, Iran (c. 4th century A.D.). King Ardashir II and his predecessor Shapur II stand atop the fallen Roman Emperor Julianus Apostata (361-363 A.D.). The archangel (yazāta) Mithra stands atop a Lotus Flower on the left holding a “barsom”—a bundle of twigs from select medicinal plants used by Zoroastrian priests (Magi) in their role as traditional healers. (2) Gold statuettes carrying barsoms, a symbol of priesthood, discovered as part of the Achaemnid-era “Oxus Treasure” in Qobādiyān, Tajikistan.

As a result of gaining official status, concerted efforts were made in early Sasanian times (224-651 A.D.) to collate, edit and systematize the liturgy with the purpose of compiling a master copy of the scripture known by its Middle Persian name Abestāg (NP: Avestā; perhaps from Old Iranian *upa-stāvaka- “praise”). This so-called ‘Sasanian archetype’ canonized an assortment of written and oral traditions, many of which had been composed by priests in times far removed from the lifetime of Zoroaster (c. 1500-1000 B.C.?), in a manner deemed suitable for the likes of an organized state religion. A complete version of the holy scripture likely existed in the Achaemenid epoch (550–330 B.C.), “written on adorned ox hides with golden ink” and housed at the Fortress of Archives (diž ī nipišt) at Staḵr in Pārs. Lamentably, it and other copies were targeted and destroyed by Alexander of Macedon (ōy petyārag ī wad-baxt ī ahlomōγ ī druwand ī anāg-kardār aleksandar ī hrōmāyīg “that wretched, ill-omened adversary, the accursed, evil-doing heretic Alexander the Roman”), who also executed scores of the foremost “religious authorities (dastwarān), judges, hērbeds, mōbeds, religious leaders, and able and wise people of the land of Iran” according to the Sasanian-era Ardā Wirāz Nāmag.

The Sasanian descriptions further state that this original Avesta consisted of twenty-one Nasks or books, and must have been a sort of encyclopædia, not alone of religion, but of many matters relating to the arts, sciences, and professions, closely connected with daily life. It is speculated that among the lost materials were the descriptions of perhaps hundreds of botanical medicines, including the revered haoma (𐬵𐬀𐬊𐬨𐬀 “ephedra”[?], Zoroastrian Dari: هم hōm; a powerful stimulant). This is reflected in the Magi’s ancient renown as physicians and healers who are frequently depicted holding twig bundles (𐬠𐬀𐬭𐬆𐬯𐬨𐬀𐬥 barəsman; MP: barsom), a symbol of priesthood, which they used to prepare a wide array of plant-based extracts.

(1-2) Remnants of murals found in the fire sanctuary gallery at Kūh-e Xʷāja, Sistān, Iran. It appears in the Sasanian period, sacred Zoroastrians precincts had a wealth of luxurious decorations. Aurel Stein observed a three-headed creature and an ox-headed mace (gorz) held by a partially-obliterated seated figure in the first painting, identified as the hero Rostam with his weapon (3) The imposing south façade of the fire sanctuary bears the remnants of a stucco relief that portrayed a contest between a horseman and a lion (4-5) The Kūh-e Xʷāja complex sits on a basalt lava island in the historic Lake Hāmūn. Offerings to water, seen as nurturing the cosmic integrity and strength of the natural element, serves as the culmination of the daily Zoroastrian act of worship

Judging from the table of contents of the Nasks, it would seem that not more than a quarter, perhaps less, of the ancient monument of the Avesta could be restored even at the time of the Sasanian council. Nonetheless, reformists contend that this move on the part of the Sasanian monarchy introduced a host of stringent laws and disagreeable practices—particularly in the form of the Vīdēvdād (lit. “Given against Demons”) ecclesiastical code—that reflect contemporary attitudes among the clerics and communities who conceived of them rather than the abstract, progressive and morally profound tenets set forth by Zoroaster in the Gāthās over a thousand years prior. Indeed, the spirit of the Gāthās is largely non-prescriptive in that it promotes self-dependent righteousness as a result of freethinking and free will, as well as ecological stewardship in nurturing the cosmic integrity of water, earth, the animal and plant kingdoms, air and fire. The immortal personal spirit (Av. 𐬟𐬭𐬀𐬎𐬎𐬀𐬴𐬌 fravaṣ̌i; OP *fravarti- –> MP frawahr –> NP فروهر farvahar, forūhar) of each individual, residing somewhere in the intangible universe (Av. 𐬨𐬀𐬌𐬥𐬌𐬌𐬎‎ mainiiu “spirit [realm]”; MP 𐫖𐫏𐫗𐫇𐫃‎ mēnōg –> NP مينو mīnū), sends out the urvan (𐬎𐬭𐬬𐬀𐬥 ‘soul’; NP روان ravān) to take transient bodily form (𐬙𐬀𐬥𐬎‎ tanu; NP تن tan) in the material world (Earth; MP 𐫃𐫏𐫤𐫏𐫃 gētīg –> NP گيتى gītī)) which serves as the final battlefield in the eternal struggle between the forces of light, truth and intelligence and those of darkness, falsehood, and ignorance. On Earth, the individual possesses free will to act as a co-worker—rather than a slave—of Ahura Mazda and the forces of light or of his demonic adversary, Angra Mainyu (𐬀𐬢𐬭𐬀⸱𐬨𐬀𐬌𐬥𐬌𐬌𐬎; NP: اهريمن Ahrīman), without dooming repercussions, given the predicted final victory of good over evil and the universal salvation of souls. The Gāthās speak naught to matters such as disposal of corpses, bodily defilement and ritual purification, sodomy, and gender roles as outlined in the Vīdēvdād, whose authors were Magi writing in an unknown geographic location at a time far removed from that of their prophet, when Avestan had already ceased to be spoken, in a deliberately imitative but degenerate form of the Gathic language (Artificial Younger Avestan).

(1) A Zoroastrian priestess directs worship towards God (𐬀𐬵𐬎𐬭𐬋 𐬨𐬀𐬰𐬛𐬃 Ahurō Mazdā̊, lit. “Lord of Wisdom/Intelligence”) before the soft glow of an eternal fire during the ‘Sadeh’ festival, Tehran, Iran (c. 2020) (2) A priestess carries a vase of coals in order to set firewood ablaze for the expansion of an eternal fire for ‘Sadeh’ (3) Sadeh (lit. “one hundred”) is celebrated one hundred days and nights past the end of the summer. A massive bonfire is ignited using embers from a sacred temple fire to symbolize the ultimate triumph of light and positivity over darkness, cold and frost.

Since the establishment of the temple cult of fire likely in the late Achaemenid period (detailed below), Zoroastrians have frequently been known among followers of other faiths as “fire-worshippers”. However, Zoroastrians themselves have consistently rejected this title, asserting that fire instead serves as an icon, directing their thoughts towards God (Ahura Mazda), positivity and truth (𐬀𐬴𐬀 aṣ̌a) as described by their prophet. Indeed, perhaps the warm, animated and seemingly sentient nature of fire inspires veneration with greater immediacy than the static icons found in other traditions. Fire serves as a tangible embodiment of both the illuminated mind and the divine presence, symbolizing the ‘cosmic fire’ or life force in all animate things, plants, animals and men. Zoroastrian ‘eternal fires’—burning uninterruptedly since creation and consecration, sometimes for centuries or even millennia—are invested with an immense aura of sanctity among the faithful. It can be further stated that Zoroastrian liturgy places as much importance in sustaining the purity and integrity of water and the animal and plant kingdoms as it does fire. Special reverence for nature has undeniably bestowed a distinctive quality upon Zoroastrian worship, enriching its spiritual tapestry.

Zoroastrians in Shirāz observe the ancient festival of ‘Sadeh’. In ancient times, the fire was kept burning all night. The following morning, women would take a small portion of the blessed fire back into their homes to make new household fires. At the end of the year (Nowruz), remnants of the fire were returned to the eternal temple fire (c. 2020)

During the Sasanian period (226-651 A.D.), apparently three preeminent fires known as Ātaš Bahrāms (lit. “Flames of Victory”), existing since creation presumably in late Achaemenid or Parthian times, were assigned the highest grade of sanctity in the Zoroastrian religion. According to tradition, an Ātaš Bahrām is consecrated by purified embers from sixteen different sources, including the fire created by a lightning bolt. They therefore symbolized the utmost sanctity and purity, eclipsing other ritual fires (NP آتش ātaš > Avestan 𐬁𐬙𐬀𐬭𐬱 ātarš; regular MP 𐭭𐭥𐭥𐭠 ādur, whence NPآذر āar) in the realm, and each was in turn associated with a specific region and class of individuals. Each quarter of Iran thus had its own great fire, namely: Ādur Gušnasp in Media dedicated to warriors and nobility, Ādur Farnbāg in Pārs dedicated to the priest class, Ādur Burzēn-Mihr in Parthia dedicated to farmers, and a fourth much venerated great fire was that of Karkūy in Sistān.

After the 5th century A.D., it became customary for each Sasanian king to make a pilgrimage on foot to Ādur Gušnasp temple after his coronation at Seleucia-Ctesiphon. There, the kings lavished the temple with royal gifts, sought counsel from the priests, and received blessings from Ohrmazd through Ādur Gušnasp‘s gentle radiance. Lamentably, following the Arab-Islamic conquest of Persia, Muslims gradually extinguished sacred fires and either demolished fire temples or converted them into mosques (such as the Magok-i ʿAṭṭār Mosque in Bukhara). However, it is likely that an Ātaš Bahrām established in the Yazdi plain around the 13th century A.D. and which is now housed in the Zoroastrian Fire Temple of Yazd represents the union of two preeminent fires from Sasanian times, namely Ādur-Anāhīd from Staḵr and Ādur Farnbāg, whose embers were secretly removed from their original sanctuaries and safeguarded by priests in hiding for centuries.

A Zoroastrian priestess leads the rites to the Ābāngān festival at the Zoroastrian Fire Temple of Yazd, Iran. In this ritual called āb-zōr (from Avestan 𐬀𐬞 𐬰𐬀𐬊𐬚𐬭𐬀 ap-zaoθra, lit. “offering to the waters”), which is also part of the daily liturgy, a mixture called parahōm (from Avestan *para-haoma; lit. “before haoma [ceremony]”) consisting of cow’s milk, consecrated water, haoma (ephedra), and crushed leaves from a pomegranate tree is offered to a flowing body of water whilst reciting the Ābān-yašt. This is a symbolic gesture offering strength and gratitude to the waters for nourishing the plant and animal kingdoms–the fruits of which are to be found in the ingredients of the parahōm mixture. Āb-zōr, much like ātaš-zōr, is viewed as part of humanity’s responsibility in maintaining the cosmic integrity of the four natural elements created by Ahura Mazda on this planet–fire, water, earth (the plant kingdom), and air. Thus every fire temple must be built beside water, whose guardian divinity (yazāta) is Arədvī Sūrā Anāhitā.

History of the Role of Fire in Zoroastrianism
The religion of the prophet Zoroaster (as attested in the Gāthās ​​𐬔𐬁𐬚𐬁 lit. “hymns”; the oldest portion of the Avesta attributed to Zoroaster himself) was the world’s first monotheistic religion, although there remains no historical evidence pointing to the Zoroastrians’ awareness of this point. Even a hypothetical sect of the religion, Zurvanism, declared the existence of a single transcendental, neutral and passionless deity of infinite time and space that made no distinction between good and evil (Zurvān; from Avestan 𐬰𐬭𐬬𐬀𐬢 zruvan-, lit. ”time”). Zoroastrianism is thus characterized by a dualistic cosmology of good and evil within the framework of a monotheistic ontology and an eschatology which predicts the ultimate conquest of evil by good. Throughout history, the distinctive characteristics of Zoroastrianism, including its monotheistic nature, messianism, emphasis on free will and the notion of posthumous judgment, the concepts of heaven, hell, angels, and demons, among others, have deeply influenced Christianity, Judaism, Gnosticism, Northern Buddhism, and even Greek philosophy.

The veneration of fire within the Zoroastrian tradition can be traced to the Indo-Iranian cult of the hearth fire in Central Asia, in all probability having its origins in Indo-European times in the Pontic-Caspian Steppe (compare the analogous sacred eternal flame of Vesta in Rome, tended to by the Vestal virgins). The hearth fire, serving as a source of warmth, illumination, and solace, held profound significance for the ancient Iranians, who perceived it as a visible embodiment of the divine entity known as Ātar (Avestan 𐬁𐬙𐬀𐬭; of unknown origin). Celestial fires, present in the forms of the sun and moon, were also venerated by facing them and directing worship towards them in open-air, especially if a terrestrial fire was out of reach. This perception positioned Ātar as both the devout servant and the commanding master of humanity, reflecting an enduring reciprocal relationship. As an expression of gratitude for Ātar’s assistance, regular offerings of incense or fragrant woods and sacrificial animal fat (causing the flames to leap up) were presented through a ritual referred to as ātaš-zōhr (from Avestan 𐬁𐬙𐬀𐬭𐬱 𐬰𐬀𐬊𐬚𐬭𐬀 *ātarš-zaoθra “offering to fire”). Moreover, natural elements such as fire and water assumed a pivotal role in various religious ceremonies. The ancient Yasna Haptaŋhāiti ritual (Yasna 35–41) is believed to trace its lineage to a pre-Zoroastrian liturgical practice involving priestly acts of devotion directed towards fire and water.

The Aṣ̌əm vohū (Avestan: 𐬀𐬴𐬆𐬨 𐬬𐬊𐬵𐬏) manthra, among the most important prayers found in the Avesta, recited by High Priest (dastūr) Mehrabān Firuzgari. The lyrics translated from Old Avestan: aṣ̌əm vohū vahištəm astī / uštā astī uštā ahmāi / hyat̰ aṣ̌āi vahištāi aṣ̌əm “Righteousness is the best good and it is happiness. Happiness be to him who is righteous for the sake of righteousness.” Zoroastrians view goodness for the sake of goodness and as a result of free thought and free will, rather than goodness driven by God’s surveillance and promises of reward or punishment, to be a central tenet of their worldview and code of conduct.

Zoroaster further elevated this Indo-European cultural inheritance by associating fire to the creation of Aṣ̌a Vahišta (𐬀𐬴𐬀 𐬬𐬀𐬵𐬌𐬱𐬙𐬀 “Best Truth”; NP: ارديبهشت Ordibehešt > MP 𐭠𐭥𐭲𐭥𐭧𐭱𐭲𐭩‎ Ardwahišt) and recognizing it as the instrument through which God’s judgment would be executed on the Last Day. According to his teachings, a cataclysmic event, symbolized by a fiery flood of molten metal, would engulf the earth, subjecting humanity to a final judgment (referred to as Frašō-kərəti 𐬟𐬭𐬀𐬱𐬋⸱𐬐𐬆𐬭𐬆𐬙𐬌; MP:  𐭯𐭫𐭱𐭠𐭪𐭥𐭲 Frašagird ) before evil is destroyed once and for all, and the universe will be in perfect unity with Ahura Mazda. For Zoroaster, the cult of fire thus held profound moral and spiritual significance. As expressed in Yasna 43.9, he proclaimed, “I shall diligently contemplate truth (aṣ̌a) during the offering made with reverence to fire,” and he instructed his followers to always pray in high places and in the presence of fire—whether earthly fire or the celestial bodies of the sun and moon (as indicated in Mēnōg-ī xrad, chapter 53.3-5). At this early stage, it is thought that the cult of fire coexisted with other cults, particularly that of water (representing the yazāta Arədvī Sūrā Anāhitā).

A fortified wall forming an oval with semi-cylindrical bastions (38 total) positioned at regular intervals surrounds the entire site. This wall was constructed during the Sasanian period, Ādur Gušnasp Temple, Shīz, Iran
A semi-cylindrical bastion and part of the fortified wall from the Sasanian-era has been restored, Ādur Gušnasp Temple, Shīz, Iran

The cult of terrestrial fire comprised both hearth fires and ritual fires, each serving distinct purposes. In the traditional setting, individuals would establish their own hearth fire upon founding a household, ensuring its continuous burning throughout their lifetime. This domestic fire, symbolizing perpetual warmth and vitality, held great significance for Iranian families. Notably, the Greeks also revered the hearth fire, and while Herodotus acknowledged the Persians’ deep reverence for it, he did not singularly label them as “fire-worshippers” and he made no mention of temples among them. However, in all probability during the later Achaemenid period, a Zoroastrian temple cult dedicated to fire emerged. This development, possibly instigated by the orthodox faction, served as a response to the introduction of temple cults with statues of Anāhīta.

The temple cult of fire, an extension of the domestic fire cult, involved a sacred fire enthroned on an altar-like stand (ātašdān; these were traditionally hewn of stone until the 19th century, when the Parsi community took to putting their sacred fires in big metal vases made of brass or German silver, which they then introduced to their coreligionists in Iran). It retained the traditional wood fire and continued to receive prescribed offerings five times a day, meticulously administered by a priest who safeguarded its purity. Details about the classification and constitution of sacred fires during the Achaemenid period are scant. Nevertheless, it is plausible that the temple cult was instituted with utmost grandeur and dignity, aiming to rival the majestic image-cult of Anāhīta. Consequently, the most revered type of sacred fire (Ātaš Bahrām) likely traces its origins to the earliest periods. According to a post-Sasanian tradition, this fire is created by combining purified embers from numerous fires, including lightning fire, in an elaborate consecration ritual. Once consecrated, the sacred fire is ceremoniously carried in procession to its sanctuary, a triumphant act known as pad wahrāmīh “towards victory”. Accompanying priests brandish swords and maces, and upon completion of the ceremony, some of these weapons are hung on the sanctuary walls, symbolizing the fiery entity’s warrior nature and its unwavering battle against all forces opposed to truth (aṣ̌a).

A hirbod or mugh (Old Persian 𐎶𐎦𐏁 maguš —> Ancient Greek μάγος magos “Zoroastrian priest; sorcerer, magician”, whence English “magi”, “magic”) tends to an Ātaš Bahrām housed in the Zoroastrian Temple of Yazd, Iran. This highest-grade fire was consecrated in the 13th century A.D. through the union of two preeminent fires from Sasanian times, namely Ādur-Anāhīd and Ādur-Farnbāg. Both great fires were originally installed in Pārs and were safeguarded by Zoroastrians in hiding following the Islamic conquest of Sasanian Persia

The temple site offers a view of what was called Zendān-e Solaymān since Mongol times; it is a cone-shaped hollow mountain built up of limestone during millions of years by a hot spring underneath. The mountain is 97 to 107 meters tall while its crater is 65 meters wide and around 80 meters deep. The crater was at one time full of water, fed by floor springs, but it dried centuries ago. Shīz, Iran

Ādur Gušnasp Fire Temple
The historical knowledge of Ādur Gušnasp surpasses that of the other two prominent fires, namely Ādur Farnbāg and Ādur Burzēn-Mihr, due to two key factors. Firstly, its temple in Azerbaijan was located near the western border of Iran, attracting the attention of numerous foreign visitors. Secondly, the Sasanian kings showed favor towards it starting from the early 5th century. As a result, it received frequent mentions in the later part of the royal chronicle, known as the Xwadāy-nāmag, and in the Šāh-nāma, where it was also referred to as Āḏar-Ābādagān (>”Azerbaijan”). Although the exact original location of Ādur Gušnasp remains uncertain, it appears that it was relocated to a remarkably beautiful site in Azerbaijan, known as Taḵt-e Solaymān during Islamic times, but likely called Mount Asnāvand by the Median magi. This site features a hill of mineral deposits formed by a spring within it, creating a picturesque lake atop the hill that is elevated above the surrounding landscape. A new temple was constructed for Ādur Gušnasp at this location, and its association with the Sasanian royalty was emphasized to the extent that it became customary for each king, following their coronation, to embark on a pilgrimage to the temple on foot (although accounts in the Šāh-nāma suggest that the monarch only walked from the base of the hill as a gesture of deep reverence). The shrine received generous offerings from the kings, and a legend developed claiming that the first monarch to enrich it was Kay Ḵosrow himself, who sought divine assistance against Afrāsīāb while praying at the temple alongside his grandfather Kāvūs.

(1) A recently restored fire temple (ātaškada) known as Qal’a-i Mugh, with a symbolic fire established on the fire-altar, near Istaravshan in the Sughd region, Tajikistan (2019). The structure features characteristic Zoroastrian architectural vocabulary and exterior decorations from Sasanian times, including a domed sanctuary (gombad) with intricate brickwork surrounded by a courtyard (2) The baked brick fire-altar (ātašdān) has a traditional three-step pedestal and long shaft decorated with recessed panels. Ātašdāns holding preeminent fires were historically hewn of solid blocks of stone, with lower-grade fires frequently held in mud-brick altars. However, they were replaced by metal vases per a Parsi trend in the 19th century

There are several references in the epic mentioning visits by Bahrām V (421-39 A.D.) to the fire temple. It is said that he spent the Nowrūz and Sadeh festivals there and, on another occasion, entrusted an Indian princess, his bride, to the high priest of the temple for conversion to the Zoroastrian faith. According to Ṯaʿālebī, upon Bahrām’s return from his campaign against the Turks, he offered the ḵāqān’s crown to the shrine and dedicated his wife and her slaves as servitors. Ḵosrow Anōšīravān is also said to have visited Ādur Gušnasp before embarking on a military campaign. Later, he bestowed a substantial amount of treasure from tribute received from Byzantium on the fire temple. Ḵosrow Parvēz prayed at Ādur Gušnasp for victory in battle and subsequently offered a generous portion of the spoils to the sanctuary. It was not only the kings who made petitions and offerings at the temple, as evidenced by a prescription in the Bundahišn, which states that those praying for the restoration of eyesight should vow to send a golden eye to Ādur Gušnasp, or those seeking an intelligent and wise child should send a gift to the temple.

(1) Ruins of the main domed sanctuary that housed Ādur Gušnasp, which was apparently adorned with a stucco frieze in high relief. Beneath the dome was found the three-stepped pedestal of a great fire-altar, as well as the base of its rounded, pillar-like shaft
An overhead view of the Taḵt-e Solaymān complex, including the Sasanian-era Ādur Gušnasp temple, various other religious buildings including a sanctuary devoted to Anāhīta, and the royal quarters, as well as Mongol-era buildings Shīz, Iran

The grandeur of the ruins of Ādur Gušnasp aligns with the accounts found in literary records and exceeds that of any surviving Zoroastrian place of worship. To safeguard the sanctuary, the hilltop was enclosed by an immensely thick mud-brick wall. Later, during the Sasanian period, a stone wall measuring 50 feet in height and 10 feet in thickness was erected along the rim of the hill, featuring thirty-eight towers at regular intervals. The temple precinct itself was surrounded on three sides by an additional wall, while the south side remained open to the lake. Extensive excavations have unveiled the layout of this grand complex. Approaching from the north, one would enter a spacious courtyard suitable for accommodating numerous pilgrims. From there, a processional path led towards the lake, featuring a square, domed room that faced north and south. This lavishly adorned room possibly served as a space for prayer and ceremonial ablutions, culminating in a large open portico that offered a lovely view of the waters. A covered pathway extended along the front of the building, leading to a remarkable sequence of pillared halls and antechambers that stretched from south to north on the western side of the processional way. It is believed that the sanctuary of Ādur Gušnasp itself occupied the northernmost end of these halls. Initially, the sanctuary took the form of a flat-roofed, pillared structure made of mud-brick, but it was later replaced by a stone construction with a domed roof. The walls of this sanctuary were adorned with a prominent stucco frieze in high relief, and judging by the elaborate Sasanian-era decorations found at the fire temple at Kūh-e Xwāja in Sistān, may have once featured an intricate scheme of paintings and bas reliefs. Beneath the dome, archaeologists discovered a three-stepped pedestal for a grand fire-altar (ātašdān) made of stone and the base of its cylindrical shaft. Fragments of smaller altars and ritual vessels have been unearthed within and near the pillared halls that led to the sanctuary, indicating the ongoing devotional activities, including offerings, prayers, and religious ceremonies.

A passageway at the ruins of the Ādur Gušnasp complex. The walls were covered in dressed stone during Sasanian times. Shīz, Iran

The vast temple complex included numerous additional rooms, such as smaller shrines and the temple treasury, which likely held valuable and priceless offerings. Objects that can be precisely dated have not been found in the ruins prior to the reign of Pērōz (A.D. 457-84). However, a room near the main entrance yielded a collection of over 200 clay sealings, including eighteen inscribed with the title “high-priest of the house of the fire of Gušnasp” (mowbed ī xānag ī Ādur ī Gušnasp). In A.D. 623, during his campaigns against Ḵosrow Parvēz, the Byzantine emperor Heraclius sacked the temple of Ādur Gušnasp, destroying its altars, setting fire to the entire structure, and mercilessly killing all living beings present. Nevertheless, the great fire itself was evidently rescued and later reinstated. The destruction of Ādur Gušnasp‘s shrine may be alluded to in a pseudo-prophecy found in the Persian Zand ī Vahman Yašt, which predicts the removal of Ādur Gušnasp from its original location due to the devastation caused by the invading armies, implying its relocation to Padašxwārgar. After being reinstated in its temple on the hill, Ādur Gušnasp continued to burn for many generations following the arrival of Islam. However, the temple faced increasing persecution, and the great fire was likely extinguished by the end of the 10th century or, at the latest, the early 11th century A.D. The ruins of the temple were subsequently utilized as a quarry for constructing a palace on the hilltop for a local Mongol ruler.

Hidden in Plain Sight: Illuminating Indo-European Words in Persian

Written by Afsheen Sharifzadeh, a graduate of Tufts University focusing on Iran and the Caucasus. This article provides a brief background on the Persian language and its history, as well as provides a list of easily recognizable Indo-European words in the language and English cognates. These words are a reminder of the shared history of the Indo-European language family, despite several thousand years of geographic separation and independent development.

(1) Two-story arched niches decorated with polychrome glazed tiles enclose the central courtyard, Masjed-e Shāh, Isfahan (c. 1629 A.D.) (2) Interior of the northwestern domed chamber. The surface is completely covered with polychrome majollica tiles depicting floral and vegetal motifs which are a metaphor for the idyllic gardens of Paradise, above a continuous marble dado (3) Details of the northwestern dome, of a smaller scale than the dome of the main sanctuary. Floral and vegetal motifs emanate in a sunburst pattern from a turquoise gem at the apex (4) A woman seated before the massive-scale ayvān to the main chamber (5) Details of polychrome glazed tilework in the corridor connecting the portal ayvān to the courtyard (6) The rear portal to the complex, decorated with a stalactite vault and tiles with floral and geometric designs

A Brief History of the Persian language
Persian (endonym Fārsi, Pārsi; frequently Tājiki in Central Asia and Dari in Afghanistan) is an Indo-European language belonging to the Iranic branch of that family. Of note, it is not related to Semitic (Arabic, Hebrew, etc.) or Turkic at any discernible time point. Among its relatives, the Indic branch is genetically closest to Iranic, however, observers are often surprised by the presence of easily recognizable cognates between Persian and the genetically more distant Germanic and Slavic languages (e.g. Persian دختر dokhtar, English daughter; Persian سپاس sepās “thanks”, Russian спасибо spasibo “thank you”). In a manner not dissimilar to that of French in pre-modern Europe, at its zenith, New Persian became a prestige language in a vast zone spanning from the Balkans and Crimea to Western China and Bengal. It was selected as the official court, administrative, educational and diplomatic language by various Islamic dynasties such as the Seljuk, Ottoman, Safavid, Timurid, and Mughal dynasties, and emerged as a global vehicle of high literature, poetry, scholarship and intellectual discourse whose effects are still felt today. Some of the world’s most famous pieces of literature from the Middle Ages, such as the Shahnameh by Ferdowsi, the works of Rumi, the Rubáiyát of Omar Khayyám, the Panj Ganj of Nizami Ganjavi, The Divān of Hafez, The Conference of the Birds by Attar of Nishapur, and the miscellanea of Gulistan and Bustan by Saadi Shirazi, are written in Persian.

A Mughal-era Persian poem inscribed in marble at Agra castle, Delhi, India (c. 1565 A.D.) It reads: از این دلگشا قصر عالی بنا \ سر اکبر آباد شد عرش سا \ بود کنگرش از جبین سپهر \ نمایان چو دندان سیمین سپهر az in delgoshā qar-e āli banā / sar-e akbar ābād shod ‘arsh-sā / buvad kongerash az jabin-e sepehr / namāyān chu dandān-e simin-sepehr“. Persian was the official and court language of Mughal India (c. 1526 to 1857 A.D.)

Today, it is spoken primarily in Iran, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, however due to prolonged ages of cultural contact, Persian influences form the lion’s share of foreign elements in Turkish, Azerbaijani, Turkmen, Uyghur, Uzbek, Iraqi and Gulf Arabic dialects, Urdu, Hindi, Kashmiri, Punjabi, Gujarati, Bengali, Armenian, Georgian, among other languages. Dozens of Persian words reached more distant languages such as Mandarin, Thai, Malay, Swahili, French and Russian through direct historic exchanges. It was indeed the Persian brand of Islam–and Persianized Arabic, or Arabic through the medium of Persians—that evangelized most of the Muslim world (e.g. every Muslim language in Eurasia uses a derivative of the Persian word for “prayer”, نماز namāz, rather than Arabic صلاة ṣalāh, indicating the medium of the religion’s transmission). In the words of the British-American historian Bernard Lewis, “the Ottoman Turks brought a form of Iranian civilization to the walls of Vienna.” The role of the Persian language in human history has been colossal yet regrettably unsung.

A Persian-style Ottoman miniature depicting the Battle of Mohács, Hungary, with Sultan Suleiman I in the middle (c. 16th century). The poem in Persian emulating the prose of the Shāhnāmeh reads: دويدند گردن زنان بيدريغ, بدان بد نهادان نهادند تيغ davidand gardan zanān bidarigh, bedān bad-nahādān nahādand tigh “They marched and beheaded ruthlessly, they put the wicked to the sword.” Persian was the language of historiography, literature, education, administration and diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire.

Iranic and Indic languages share a more recent common ancestor than other branches of Indo-European. According to the Kurgan Hypothesis, the people who spoke this unattested ancestral language, termed Proto-Indo-Iranian, developed along the northeastern edge of the Middle Dnieper culture (3200-2300 BC) in modern-day Ukraine. At the end of that period it is believed they migrated en masse out of the Pontic-Caspian Steppe further east, to Sintashta and its environs, where evidence reveals they engaged in copper mining, bronze metallurgy, and large-scale animal sacrifices. At this point, it appears they called themselves by the ethnonym *Áryas “Aryan; lit. esteemed, noble” (later Old Persian 𐎠𐎼𐎡𐎹 (a-r-i-y /ariyaʰ/ → Middle Persian 𐭠𐭩𐭥𐭠𐭭‎ ʾērān, “of the Aryans” → New Persian ایران‎ irān). Over a period of centuries, they gradually migrated southward where they interacted with the sophisticated Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (short BMAC), also known as the Oxus civilization, a non-Indo-European Bronze Age civilization centered around Marv (Margiana) and Balkh (Bactria) which influenced the Indo-Iranians. From the strange-appearing, unknown language of BMAC, the ancient Indo-Iranians adopted multiple words and concepts e.g. Persian šotor > BMAC *uštra ‘camel’; Persian khišt *ištya ‘brick, clay’; Persian nān > BMAC *nagna ‘bread’; Persian pezešk > BMAC *bʰiš- ‘medicine, healing’. Over time the Proto-Iranians split and differentiated from the Proto-Indo-Aryans, who gradually migrated into India, with an offshoot apparently traversing as far as Syria and becoming the masters of the Kingdom of Mitanni. The Proto-Iranians then swept into the Iranian Plateau after 1800 BC through multiple migrations likely spanning centuries. A cohort back-migrated from Khwārazm into the Eurasian steppe and became the Scythians.

(1) A Persian poem inscribed on a band of glazed azure tiles adorns the Kalta Minor in Khiva, Uzbekistan (c. 1851 A.D.) (2) The pictured couplets read: به جنت کرد نادرش عرضه خاک / رسیده چون ستون بر كاخ گردون / ز وصفش قاصر آمد عقل و ادراک / از این در آگهی سال بنایش “be jannat kard nāderash ‘arze-ye ḵāk / Raside chun sotūn bar kāḵ-e gardūn / ze vaṣfash qāṣer āmad ‘aql-o-edrāk / Az in dar āgahi-ye sāl-e banāyash…” (see here for a complete transcription). Persian served as the official, court, literary, high culture and administrative language of the Sāmānid Empire (f. 819 A.D.) and all successive Muslim polities in Central Asia for over a millennium until the region’s incorporation into the U.S.S.R. in 1923.

The Old Persian language is first attested in a cuneiform script in the Achaemenid royal inscriptions of Darius I (ruled 522–486 BC) at Behistun in Kermānshāh, but the language was actually native to Persis (modern Fārs province, Iran). New Persian emerged on paper more than a millennium after Darius’ royal carvings, apparently following a circuitous route first through Mesopotamia (the “Middle Persian” stage) and then Central Asia, after which it “re-entered” the Iranian plateau. In the Old Persian stage, Persian can be seen as a conservative Indo-European language with three grammatical genders, complex noun inflections and a synthetic morphology. Perhaps owing in part to widespread multilingualism and imperfect language acquisition over a short period of time by non-Iranian Achaemenid subjects who were settled in Persis (for example, laborers such as artisans and builders hailing from various regions of the empire commissioned with the construction of large-scale projects at Persepolis and Susa), vernacular Old Persian seems to have experienced a vast grammatical simplification which cannot be attributed alone to regular language transmission from one generation to the next. Moreover when the next stage of the language, Middle Persian, appeared in a modified imperial Aramaic script in epigraphic texts at the Sassanian capital of Ctesiphon, it was profoundly different from Old Persian. This literary language, reflecting vernacular developments, lacks grammatical gender and noun declensions altogether, and features an analytic morphology with re-elaborations in place of the inherited Proto-Indo-European forms. This scenario closely parallels the development of Middle English from Old English on the British Isles, over a millennium later.

Artist’s rendition of Ayvān-e Kasrā, or the Palace of Khosrow, located in the Persian capital Seleucia-Ctesiphon, modern-day Iraq. Ctesiphon was a royal capital of Persia for over eight hundred years under the Parthian (247 B.C.–224 A.D.) and Sassanian (226–637 A.D.) dynasties, and served as an important stage for the evolution of the Middle Persian language (Pārsīk)

Later in the Sassanian period, elites from Mesopotamia who presumably spoke vernacular Pārsīk (Middle Persian) settled in the northeast of the empire, particularly in the urban centers of Khorāsān and Transoxiana, where the Middle Persian language took hold at the expense of the local Iranic Parthian and Sogdian languages. The presence of garrisons and state administrators further strengthened Middle Persian in the region. With the conquest of the Sassanian empire by Arab-Islamic troops between 632 and 651 A.D. and the flight of yet more Sassanian aristocrats there, it was these Pārsīk vernaculars that had transplanted from Seleucia-Ctesiphon to Khorāsān and Transoxiana that served as the basis of Muslim (New) Persian. In the centuries thereafter, varieties of the new Islamized Persian language, written in a modified Arabic script, spread back into Iran proper, even Fārs (Persis), where it has coexisted with distantly related vernaculars spoken uninterruptedly since the Middle Iranian stage and escaped Islamization (e.g. Lārestāni; for more, see here). These various Western Iranian languages, akin to Persian, also feature etymons that recall quite distant Indo-European relatives (Māzanderāni mi mar o ti per, Spanish mi madre y tu padre “my mother and your father”).

(1-2) Onlookers behold the colossal statue of King Shapur I (c. 240–272 A.D.), chiseled from a huge stalagmite in situ in the 3rd century A.D., in a cave overlooking a royal Sassanian polo field (čōgān), Kāzerun, Iran. Shapur I is depicted with his idiosyncratic thick, wavy locks and crenellated crown (3) A large relief depicting the triumph of Shapur I over the Roman emperors Valerian and Philip the Arab (genuflected before him), Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran (c. 3rd century A.D.)

A list of Persian words with their Indo-European etymologies and recognizable cognates are listed below. These words are a reminder of the shared history of the Indo-European language family, despite several thousand years of separation and Persian’s development in a diverse geographic milieu surrounded by many non-Indo-European languages into present times.

Word List and Indo-European Etymologies

Abrū “eyebrow”: from Middle Persian (blwk’ /brūg/), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *HbʰrúHs, from Proto-Indo-European *h₃bʰruH-. Cognates include Northern Kurdish birû, Ossetian ӕрфыг (ærfyg), Sanskrit भ्रू (bhrū), Ancient Greek ὀφρύς (ophrús) English brū > English brow, eyebrow

Ālofte “enamored; confused” (archaic): possibly from Proto-Indo-European *lewbʰ-. If so cognate with English love

Āmixtan “to mix, mingle”: from Middle Persian ʾmyhtn (āmēxtan), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *meyḱ-, whence also English mix.

Andar “in, within”: from Middle Persian 𐭡𐭩𐭭‎ (BYN /andar/), from Old Persian 𐎠𐎫𐎼 (aⁿtar, “among, within”), from Proto-Iranian *Hántarah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hántaras, from Proto-Indo-European *h₁énteros (“inner, what is inside”). Cognate with English enter, inter

Angusht “finger”: from Middle Persian ʾngwst’ from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hangúštʰas, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂eng- (“joint”). Related to Latin angulus, English angle

Ārugh “belch”: ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *h₁rewg- (“belch, roar”). Cognate with Latin erugo (“belch”), English eruct

Arg “citadel”: from Middle Persian (arg), from Proto-Indo-European *h₂erk-. Cognates include Old Armenian արգել (argel, “obstacle”) and Ancient Greek ἀρκέω (arkéō), Latin arx (“citadel”).

Arre “saw”: from Proto-Indo-European *sers- (“to cut off”). Compare Latin serra “saw”, whence English serrated

Arziz “tin” (archaic): from Middle Persian ʾlcyc (arzīz, “tin, lead”) (Manichaean Middle Persian ʾrzyz). Perhaps ultimately from Proto-Iranian *arjata- (“silver”), from Proto-Indo-European *h₂erǵ-. Cognate to Greek άργυρος árgyros “silver”, Latin argentum “silver”

Āvāz “voice, sound, echo” and Vāk “voiced” (i.e. pezhvāk “echo”): from Middle Persian ʾwʾz (āwāč, āwāz, “voice, sound, tune”), from 𐭥𐭠𐭰‎ (wāč, wāz, “word, speech”), from Proto-Iranian *wā́xš, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *wā́kš, from Proto-Indo-European *wōkʷs. Cognate with Sanskrit वाच् (vā́c) and Latin vōx, English voice

Awj (owj) “apex, zenith”: from Arabic أَوْج‎ (ʔawj), from Persian اوگ‎ (owg), from Middle Iranian, ultimately Proto-Indo-European *h₂ewg- (“related to increasement”). Cognate with English augment, august

Band “band, tie; to close (pres. stem)”: from Proto-Iranian *bandah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰandʰas,  ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *bʰendʰ-. Cognate with English band, bind

Bandeh “slave”, Bandegi bondage, slavery”: from Middle Persian bndk’ /bandag/, from Old Persian 𐎲𐎭𐎣 badaka,  ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *bʰendʰ-. Cognate with English bond, bondage

Barādar “brother”: from Middle Persian (brād, brâdar), from Old Persian 𐎲𐎼𐎠𐎫𐎠 (brātā), from Proto-Iranian *bráHtā, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰráHtā, from Proto-Indo-European *bʰréh₂tēr. Cognate with English brother

Bār “burden, load; sorrow, grief”: from Middle Persian bʾl (bār, “load, burden; duty; fruit”), ultimately from the Proto-Indo-European root *bʰer-. Cognate with English bear, burden

Bā “arm”: from Old Persian 𐎲𐎠𐏀𐎢 (bāzu), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰaHȷ́ʰúš, from Proto-Indo-European *bʰeh₂ǵʰús (“arm”). Cognate with Avestan 𐬠𐬁𐬰𐬬𐬋‎ (bāzvō), Ancient Greek πῆχυς (pêkhus, “forearm”) and Latin bracchium > Spanish brazo and English brachium

Bimār “sick, ill person”: from Middle Persian 𐭥𐭩𐭬𐭠𐭫‎ (wēmār, “sick, ill”), from Proto-Indo-European *wemh₁- (“to spew, vomit”) + ār (agent suffix). Cognate with Latin vomō (“be sick, vomit”). Cognate with English vomit

Bir “hero, champion”: from Middle Persian wyl (wīr), from Proto-Indo-European *wiHrós “man, husband; hero”. Cognate to Lithuanian výras “man”, English wer “man (obsolete)” > werewolf “man-wolf”; Latin vir “man, hero; husband” > English virile “manly”

Bordan “to take; to bear, carry”: from Middle Persian bwltn (bortan, “carry, take”), from Proto-Iranian *bárati, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰárati, from Proto-Indo-European *bʰéreti. Cognate to Latin ferre, English bear

Boz “goat”: from Proto-Iranian *bujáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰuȷ́ás, from Proto-Indo-European *bʰūǵ-o-s, from *bʰuǵ- (“buck, he-goat”). Cognate with English buck (“male goat”)

dan (1) “to be” and Ast (2) “he/she is”: (1) from Middle Persian (būdan, baw-), from Old Persian 𐎲𐎺- (bav-), from Proto-Iranian *báwati, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *bʰáwHati, from Proto-Indo-European *bʰewH- (“to be, become”), *bʰew- (“to grow”). Cognate with Russian быть bytʹ “to be”, English to be (2) from Middle Persian 𐭠𐭩𐭲𐭩‎ (ast), from Old Persian 𐎠𐎿𐎫𐎡𐎹 (astiy), from Proto-Indo-European *h₁ésti “to be”. Cognate with Latin est, German ist, English is

Burj “tower; fort, castle”: Arabicized form of Classical Syriac ܒܘܪܓܐ‎ (burgāʾ), from Middle Persian (burg), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *bʰerǵʰ- (“high”), with cognates including Persian برز‎ (borz), Sanskrit बृहत् (bṛhát, “lofty, high, tall”), Old Armenian բարձր (barjr, “high”) and Old English burg

Būs “kiss”: from imitative Proto-Indo-European *bu, compare Latin basium (“kiss”), Welsh bus (“kiss, lip”), and English buss (“kiss”).

Chand “how much, how many”: inherited from Middle Persian 𐭰𐭭𐭣‎ (čand), from Proto-Indo-European *kʷíh₂-onts, from *kʷíh₂, neuter of *kʷís. Cognate with Avestan 𐬗𐬎𐬎𐬀𐬧𐬙‎ (cuuaṇt), Sanskrit कियत् (kiyat), Latin quantus

Chāneh “chin”: from Proto-Iranian *jánukah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ȷ́ʰánuš, from Proto-Indo-European *ǵénus (“chin, jaw, cheek”), cognate with English chin

Dādan “to give”: from Old Persian 𐎭𐎭𐎠𐎬𐎢𐎺 (d-d-a-tu-u-v /dadātuv/), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dádaHti, from Proto-Indo-European *dédeh₃ti. Cognates include Avestan 𐬛𐬀𐬛𐬁𐬌𐬙𐬌‎ (dadāiti), Polish dać, Ancient Greek δίδωμι (dídōmi), Latin dare, datum (lit. “given”) and thereby English data

Dandān “tooth”: from Middle Persian KKA, dnd’n’ /dandān/, “tooth”, from Proto-Iranian *Hdantán-, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hdánts, from Proto-Indo-European *h₃dónts (“tooth”). Cognate with Greek δόντι (dónti), Latin dēns > English dental

Dar “door”: From Middle Persian 𐭡𐭡𐭠‎ dar, “gate, court, palace”, from Old Persian 𐎯𐎺𐎼𐎹𐎠 duvar-, “door, gate”, from Proto-Iranian *dwar-، from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dwar-, from Proto-Indo-European *dʰwer- “gate, door”. Cognate to German Tür, Armenian դուռ (duṙ), Irish doras, English door

Dār “tree, wood”: from Middle Persian (dʾl, “tree, gallows; wood”), from Old Persian 𐎭𐎠𐎽𐎢𐎺 (d-a-ru-u-v /dāruv/), from Proto-Iranian *dā́ru, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dāru, from Proto-Indo-European *dóru. Cognate with English tree

Daridan “to ravage, attack, bite”: from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dar-, from Proto-Indo-European *der-. Cognate with Ancient Greek δέρω (dérō, “I skin, I flay”) and English tear

Div “demon, devil”: from Middle Persian dēw /ŠDYA/, “evil spirit”, from Old Persian 𐎭𐎡𐎺 (daiva-), from Proto-Iranian *daywáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *daywás, from Proto-Indo-European *deywós. Cognate to Latin deus, dīvus and English devil

Do “two”: from Proto-Iranian *dwáH,  from Proto-Indo-European *dwóh₁. Cognate with Spanish dos, English two

Dokhtar “daughter; girl”: from Middle Persian dwhtl /duxtar/, oblique case of dwht’ /duxt/, from Old Persian *𐎯𐎧𐏂𐎡 *duxçī-, from Proto-Iranian *dugdā, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dʰugʰdʰā, from Proto-Indo-European *dʰugh₂tḗr. Cognate with German Tochter, English daughter

Dord “The sediment settled at the bottom of a container of unfiltered wine; the worst or lower part”: from Proto-Iranian *dr̥ti- “manure, feces”, from Proto-Indo-European *dʰṛ-to-, from Proto-Indo-European *dʰreyd– “to have diarrhea”. Cognate with English dirt

Dorugh “lie, deception”: from Middle Persian drōg, from Old Persian 𐎭𐎼𐎢𐎥 drauga, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dʰráwgʰas, from Proto-Indo-European *dʰrówgʰos, from *dʰrewgʰ-. Cognate with German Trug “deception, delusion”, Dutch bedrog “deception, fraud”; Welsh drwg “bad, evil”, English dream (via Proto-Germanic *dʰrowgʰ-mos “falsehood, illusion”)

Doshman “enemy, foe; hostile entity”: from Proto-Indo-Iranian *dušmánas, from Proto-Indo-European *dusménes. Equivalent to *duš- (“bad”) +‎ *mánah (“mind, thought”). Compare Ancient Greek δυσμενής dusmenḗs “enemy, hostile” and English from cognate Greek components dys– + –manía: dysmania

Doshnām “insult”: from Middle Persian (dwšnʾm /dušnām/), from Proto-Iranian *dušHnā́ma (“insult”), from Proto-Indo-European *dus- (“bad”) + *h₁nómn̥ (“name”). Within Persian, compare دشمن‎ (došman, “enemy”), نام‎ (nâm, “name”). Compare English from cognate Greek components dys– + –nómos: dysnomy, dysnomia

Dūst “friend; liking, pleasure”: from Middle Persian 𐭣𐭥𐭮𐭲𐭩‎ (dwst’ /dōst/), from Old Persian 𐎭𐎢𐏁𐎫𐎠 (d-u-š-t-a /dauštā/), from Proto-Indo-European *ǵews- (“to taste, to try”). Cognates with Sanskrit जुष्ट (juṣṭa), Avestan 𐬰𐬎𐬱𐬙𐬀‎ (zušta), Latin gustus, Spanish gusto

Galū “throat”: from Proto-Indo-European *gʷel- (“throat”). Cognate with Russian глотка (glotka, “throat”) Latin gula (“throat”) and English gullet, glutton 

Gap “talk, chit-chat” and goftan “to say, to tell”: from Middle Persian gwptn’ (guftan, “to say, speak”), ultimately from Proto-Iranian *gáwbati, from Proto-Indo-European *gewH- (“to call, cry”) with a -b⁽ʰ⁾- enlargement. Cognate to Russian говори́ть govorítʹ “to talk, to speak” and English gab

Garm “warm”: from Proto-Iranian *garmáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *gʰarmás, from Proto-Indo-European *gʷʰer- (“to warm, heat”), cognate with Khotanese garma- (“hot”), English warm

Gāv “cow”: from Middle Persian (TWRA /gāw/), from Old Persian𐎥𐎢 (g-u), from Proto-Iranian*gā́wš, from Proto-Indo-Iranian*gāuš, from Proto-Indo-European*gʷṓws. Cognate with English cow

Gerd, “round, circular” and Gardidan “to turn, revolve, spin, circulate”: from Proto-Iranian *wart- (“to turn, spin, rotate; to writhe”), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *wert-. Latin vertere (“to turn”), German werden (“to turn (into), become”), English weird

Gerān “expensive; heavy (archaic)”: from Middle Persian glʾn’ (garān), from Proto-Indo-European *gʷréh₂us (“heavy”). Cognate to Latin gravis (“heavy”), English grave

Gereftan “to grab, grip”: from Middle Persian (/griftan/), from Old Persian [Term?] [Term?] (/grab-/, “to seize”), from Proto-Indo-European *gʰrebh₂- (“to grab, seize”). Cognates include Central Kurdish گرتن‎ (girtin), Baluchi گرگ‎ (girag), Sanskrit गृह्णाति (gṛhṇāti, “he seizes”), Russian гра́бить (grábitʹ), German greifen, and English grab, grip

Haft “seven”: from Middle Persian hp̄t’ haft, “seven”, from Proto-Iranian *haptá, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *saptá, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *septḿ̥. Cognate with Ancient Greek ἑπτά heptá > English hepta-

Ham “same”: from Middle Persian hm (ham, “also, same”), from Old Persian 𐏃𐎶 (h-m /ham(a)/, “same, together”), from Proto-Iranian *hamHáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *samHás, from Proto-Indo-European *somHós (“same”). Compare Sanskrit सम (sama), English same

Javān “young”: from Middle Persian (yw’n /ǰuwān/), from Proto-Iranian *HyúHā, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *HyúHā, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂yéwHō. Cognate to Latin iuvenis (Italian giovane, French jeune, or Spanish joven) > English juvenile

Javidan “to chew”: from Middle Persian ywtn’ /jūdan/, from Proto-Indo-European*ǵyewh₁-. Cognate with English chew

Joft “pair, couple”: from Middle Persian (ǰuxt /ywht/), from Proto-Iranian *yuxtáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *yuktás, from Proto-Indo-European *yugtós. Cognate with Latin iuxtā, English juxtapose

Istādan “to stand up; to stay”: from Middle Persian (istātan), from Old Persian, from Proto-Indo-European *steh₂- (“to stand”). Cognate with English stand

Kal “bald”: from Proto-Indo-European *gelH- (“naked, bald”) or *kl̥H-. Cognate with English callow and Latin calvus

Kāv “concave, hollow”: from Proto-Indo-European *ḱówH-. Cognate with English cave

Kerm “worm”: from Proto-Iranian *kŕ̥miš, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *kŕ̥miš, from Proto-Indo-European *kʷŕ̥mis (“worm”). Cognate with Sanskrit कृमि (kṛ́mi, “worm”), Proto-Slavic *čьrvь (“worm”), Lithuanian kirmìs (“worm”), English worm, wyrm

Khoftan, Khʷāb “sleep, dream”: from Middle Persian 𐭧𐭥𐭠𐭡‎ hwʾb /xvāb/, from Proto-Iranian *hwápati, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *swap-, from Proto-Indo-European *swep- “to dream”. Cognate with Greek  Ancient Greek ὕπνος húpnos “sleep”, whence English hypnosis

Kherad “wisdom, intelligence; understanding”: inherited from Middle Persian (hlt /xrat, xrad/, “wisdom, understanding, intelligence”), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *krátuš (“intelligence, mental power”), from Proto-Indo-European *krét-us “intelligence, strength”. Cognate with Ancient Greek κρατύς kratús, “strong”, κράτος krátos “strength, power, dominion” > English autocrat, democrat

Khers “bear (animal)”: from Proto-Iranian *Hŕ̥šah (compare Avestan 𐬀𐬭𐬴𐬀‎ (arṣ̌a), Ossetian арс (ars)), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hŕ̥ćšas, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂ŕ̥tḱos. Cognate to Latin ursus,

Khor “sun”: from Proto-Iranian *húHar, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *súHar, from Proto-Indo-European *sóh₂wl̥. Cognate with Greek helios, Latin sol

Khūk “pig, hog”: from Middle Persian (HZWLYA) /(hwk’ /hūg/), from Proto-Iranian *huHkáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *suH-, from Proto-Indo-European *suh₂kéh₂, from *suH-. Cognate with English hog

Kord “Kurdish; herder (obsolete)”: from Middle Persian (kwrt /kurd/), assumed from Proto-Indo-European *kerdʰ- (“herd”). Cognate with English herd

Lab “lip, edge”: from Proto-Indo-European *leb-. Cognate with English lip

Lis “lick”: from Proto-Iranian *rijáti, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *riȷ́ʰáti, from Proto-Indo-European *leyǵʰ- (“to lick”). Cognate with Latin lingō (“lick”), English lick

Mādar “mother”: from Middle Persian 𐭬𐭠𐭲𐭥‎ (mādar), from Old Persian 𐎶𐎠𐎫𐎠 (mātā), from Proto-Iranian *máHtā, rom Proto-Indo-European *méh₂tēr; compare Armenian մայր (mayr), Italian madre, English mother

Mammeh “breast, boob”: an onomatopoeic baby-talk common in Indo-European languages, ultimately must descend from Proto-Indo-European. Cognate with Ancient Greek μάμμη mámmē, Latin mamma, whence English mammal

Man “I”: from Middle Persian 𐫖𐫗‎ (man, “me (early), I (later)”) from Old Persian 𐎶𐎴 (m-n /mana/, “me”) from Proto-Iranian *máHm from Proto-Indo-Iranian *máHm (“accusative singular of *aȷ́ʰám”). Cognate with Ancient Greek ἐμέ (emé, “accusative of “ἐγώ””), and Latin me (“accusative of “ego””), English me

Māndan “to remain, to stay”: from Middle Persian KTLWNtn’ māndanKTLWN mān-, from Old Persian, from Proto-Iranian, from Proto-Indo-European *men- “to stay, stand still”. Cognate with Ancient Greek μένω ménō, “I remain”, Latin maneō “I remain” > remain, maintain

Mard “man” and Mardom “people”: from Middle Persian mlt’ /mard/, GBRA /mard/, from Old Persian 𐎶𐎼𐎫𐎡𐎹 martiya, from Proto-Iranian *mŕ̥tah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *mŕ̥tas, and ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *mr̥tós (“dead, mortal”), from *mer- (“to die”). Cognate to Latin mortuus > English mortal

Marz “border, delineation”: from Middle Persian (mlc /marz/, “boundary, march; (astronomy) term”), from Proto-Indo-European *merǵ- (“edge, boundary, border”). Cognate with Avestan 𐬨𐬀𐬭𐬆𐬰𐬀‎ (marəza, “frontier”), Proto-Germanic *markō (> English march), and Latin margo. Akin to English mark, margin

Mey “wine; alcoholic beverage”: from Middle Persian mdy /⁠may⁠/, “wine”, from Old Persian *𐎶𐎯 *m-du /⁠*madu⁠/, from Proto-Indo-European *médʰu (“honey, mead”). Cognate with Greek μέθη méthi, “drunkenness”; English mead

Mixtan “to urinate”: inherited from Middle Persian myc, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *h₃meyǵʰ. Cognate with English micturate “urinate”

Miyān “middle, center”: from Middle Persian mdyʾn’ (mayān), from Old Persian *madyānaʰ, from Proto-Iranian *mádyānah, composed of *mádyah +‎ *-anah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *mádʰyas, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *médʰyos. Cognate with English middle, median

Mordan “to die”: from Middle Persian YMYTWNtn’ (murdan), from Old Persian (mar-), from Proto-Iranian *márti, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *márti, ultimately derived from Proto-Indo-European *mer- (“to die”). Cognate with Latin mortuus, English murder

Mūsh “mouse”: from Middle Persian mwšk’ (mušk, “Mouse, rat”), from Proto-Iranian *múHs, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *múHs, from Proto-Indo-European *muh₂s. Cognate with English mouse

Na or Ne “no”: from Middle Persian 𐭫𐭠 / 𐭭𐭩‎ (), from Proto-Iranian *ná, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ná, from Proto-Indo-European *ne (“not”). Cognate with English no

Nāf “navel, bellybutton”: from Proto-Indo-European *h₃nebʰ (“navel”). Cognate with English navel

Nām “name”: from Middle Persian ŠM (/nām/), from Old Persian 𐎴𐎠𐎶 (n-a-m /nāma/), from Proto-Iranian *Hnā́ma, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *h₁nómn̥ (“name”). Cognate with Italian nome, English name

Nar “man, virile”: from Middle Persian 𐭦𐭪𐭫‎ (ZKL), 𐭭𐭫‎ (nl /nar/, “male”), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hnā́, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂nḗr. Cognate to Ancient Greek: ἀνήρ anḗr “man”, Proto-Italic *nēr “man” > Oscan: 𐌍𐌉𐌉𐌓 niir “man” and Latin neriōsus “firm, vigorous”, Nerō (personal name; lit. “masculine”)

Nāv “ship”: from Middle Persian nʾw (nāw, “ship”), from Proto-Iranian (compare Ossetian нау (naw) / науӕ (nawæ)), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *náHuš, from Proto-Indo-European *néh₂us (“boat”) (compare Ancient Greek ναῦς (naûs, “ship”), Latin nāvis (“ship”). Cognate with English navy

Naveh “nephew”: from Middle Persian np (nab, “grandson”)، Old Persian 𐎴𐎱𐎠 (napā), from Proto-Iranian *napāth, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *nápāts, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂népōts*népōts. Cognate with English nephew

Now “new”: from Middle Persian 𐭭𐭥𐭪𐭩‎ (nōg), from Old Persian 𐎴𐎺 (n-v), from Proto-Iranian *náwah, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *néwos. Cognate to Greek νέος (néos), Russian но́вый (nóvyj), Italian nuovo and English new

Nūn (archaic, poetic; more commonly aknūn) “now”: from Proto-Indo-European *nu (“now”). Cognate with English now

Ostoxān “bone”: ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *h₃ésth₁ (bone). Cognate with Ancient Greek ὀστέον ostéon “bone”, English osteopathic

Pā “foot”: from earlier پای‎ (pây), from Middle Persian (pāy), from Old Persian 𐎱𐎠𐎭 pād(a), from Proto-Iranian *pā́dah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *pā́ts, from Proto-Indo-European *pṓds (“foot”). Cognate with Spanish pie, Greek: πόδι pódi > English -pod, foot

Pand “advice, counsel, guidance”: from Middle Persian pnd (pand, “path; counsel, advice”) (compare Parthian pnd‎ (pand, “counsel”), pndʾn‎ (pandān, “path”)), from Proto-Indo-European *pent- (“to go, walk; way, path”). Cognate with Ancient Greek πάτος (pátos), πόντος (póntos), Latin pons “bridge”, English path

*Note archaic Persian meaning “trick, knack” → Arabic fann “art” (Semantic development resembles Ancient Greek τέχνη (tékhnē “cunning, wile”) and Latin ars “cunning, stratagem”) 

Panj “five”: from Middle Persian (pnc /panǰ/), from Proto-Iranian *pánča, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *pánča, from Proto-Indo-European *pénkʷe. Cognate with Greek πέντε pénte > English penta-

Par “feather, wing, leaf”: from Proto-Indo-Iranian *parnám, from Proto-Indo-European *pornóm (“feather, wing”), from *perH- (“to fly”). Cognate with Avestan 𐬞𐬀𐬭𐬆𐬥𐬀‎ (parəna, “feather”), Lithuanian spar̃nas (“wing”), Old Church Slavonic перо (pero, “wing, feather”), Albanian fier (“fern”), English fern

Part “far away, remote”: ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *pr̥to-. Cognate with Dutch voort, English forth “away, beyond a certain boundary; forward”

Pas “after, behind; so, therefore”: from Middle Persian 𐭯𐭮‎ (ps /pas/, “then, afterwards, behind”), from Old Persian 𐎱𐎿𐎠 (p-s-a /pasā/), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *pasčáH, from Proto-Indo-European *pos-(sḱ)-kʷéh₁. Cognate with Latin post “after”, whence Spanish pues, después, English post-, posterior

Pedar “father”: from Middle Persian (pidar), from Old Persian 𐎱𐎡𐎫𐎠 (pitā), from Proto-Iranian *pHtā́, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *pHtā́, from Proto-Indo-European *ph₂tḗr. Cognate with English father

Pesar or Pos (dialectal) “son, boy”: from Middle Persian (BREl) / (pwsl /pusar/, “son”), formed from 𐭡𐭥𐭤‎ (pus [BRE], “son”), from Old Persian 𐎱𐎢𐏂 (p-u-ç /puça/), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *peh₂u- “few, little; smallness (semantic development to “small man”). Cognate with Latin paucus “little, small”, puer “boy, lad” > English puerile “childish, silly”

Pol “bridge”: from Middle Persian 𐭯𐭥𐭧𐭫𐭩‎ (puhl, “bridge”), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *pértus (“crossing”) (compare English ford, German Furt, and Latin portus

Raftan “to go, leave, depart”: from Middle Persian (SGYTWN-tn’ /raftan/, “to move, proceed”), from Proto-Indo-European *h₁reh₁p-. Compare Latin rēpō (“I creep; I crawl”), Latvian rãpât, râpt, Middle High German reben (“to move, steer”), English reptile (lit. “creeper, slinker”)

Rāst “straight, right”: from Middle Persian rāst, from Old Persian 𐎼𐎠𐎿𐎫 (rāsta, “right”), from Proto-Iranian *Hraštáh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hraštás, from Proto-Indo-European *h₃reǵtós (“having moved in a straight line”), from *h₃reǵ- (“to straighten, direct”). Cognate with English right

Rombidan “to collapse”: from Proto-Iranian *Hrum-, from Proto-Indo-European *h₃rew-. Cognate with English ruin.

Sad “hundred”: from Middle Persian 𐭰𐭲‎ (čat, sad), from Old Persian *θata-, from Proto-Iranian *catám, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ćatám, from Proto-Indo-European *ḱm̥tóm. Cognates include Latin centum, French cent

Sar “head; topmost part”: from Middle Persian 𐭫𐭥𐭩𐭱𐭤‎ LOYŠE /sar/, from Proto-Iranian *cŕ̥Hah, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ćŕ̥Has, from Proto-Indo-European *ḱerh₂-. Cognate with first component of Latin and English cerebrum

Setāre “star”: from Middle Persian (stʾlk’ /stārag/), (stl /star/), from Old Persian 𐎠𐎿𐎫𐎼 (star-), from Proto-Iranian *Hstā́, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *Hstā́, from Proto-Indo-European *h₂stḗr. Cognate with English star

Sharm “shame”: from Middle Persian 𐭱𐭥𐭬‎ (šarm), from Avestan 𐬟𐬱𐬀𐬭𐬆𐬨𐬀‎ (fšarəma), from Proto-Indo-European *ḱormo- (“suffering, pain”). Cognate with Khotanese (kṣär-, “be ashamed”) and English harm “insult, damage”

Shesh “six”: from Middle Persian (šaš), from Proto-Iranian *šwáš, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *šwáćš, from Proto-Indo-European *swéḱs. Cognate with german Sechs, English six

Shūr “salty”: from Parthian 𐫢𐫇𐫡‎ šwr /šōr/; compare with Middle Persian swr /sōr/, perhaps from Proto-Iranian *sauraH “salty”, from Proto-Indo-European *súHros “sour; salty”. Cognate with English sour

Tab “fever”, and Tāb “heat, radiance, illuminating”: from Middle Persian (tp /tab/, “fever”), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *tépos (“heat, warmth”). Cognate with English tepid

Tāj “crown”: from Arabic تَاج‎ (tāj), from Parthian (tʾg /tāg/, “crown”), attested in 𐫟𐫀𐫡𐫤𐫀𐫃‎ (xʾrtʾg /xārtāg/, “crown of thorns”), from Old Iranian *tāga-, ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *(s)teg- (“to cover”). Cognate with Latin tegō “cover” (tegaderm), toga “a garment; roof”, English thatch “straw covering”

Tars, tarsidan “fear, terror”: from Middle Persian tlsyt’ (tarsēdan, “fear”), from Proto-Iranian *tr̥ŝáti, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *tr̥sćáti, from Proto-Indo-European *tres-. Cognates include Latin terreō, English terror

To “you”: from Middle Persian 𐭫𐭪‎ (LK /tō/, “you, thou”), from Old Persian (compare 𐎬𐎺𐎶 (tuvam)), from Proto-Iranian *tuHám (compare Northern Kurdish tu, Pashto ته‎ (), Avestan 𐬙𐬏𐬨‎ (tūm)), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *tuHám, from Proto-Indo-European *túh₂. Cognate with Spanish tu, English thou

Tondar “thunder”; from Middle Persian (tndr /tundar, tundur/), from Proto-Indo-Iranian *stánati, from Proto-Indo-European *(s)tenh₂-. Cognate with with Parthian (tndwr /tandur/), Sogdian (twntr /tundar/), Sanskrit स्तनति (stanati, “to resound; to thunder”) English thunder

Tūdeh “masses, people; heap”: from Proto-Iranian *taw(H)táH, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *taw(H)táH (“people, folk, crowd”), from Proto-Indo-European *tew(H)téh₂ (“people, tribe, men-at-arms”). Cognates include Lithuanian tautà, Welsh tud, Latin tōtus and English total

Vāl “whale”: from Proto-Indo-Iranian *(s)káras, from Proto-Iranian *(s)káras, from Proto-Indo-European *(s)kʷálos. Cognate with English whale

Varz “agriculture; craft, trade” and Varzesh “exercise”: from Middle Persian wlc (warz, “work, agriculture”), from Proto-Iranian *warj-, from Proto-Indo-European *werǵ-. Cognate with English work

Vāy “ woe, alas, oh dear!” From Proto-Iranian *wáy, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *wáy, eventually from Proto-Indo-European *wai. Cognate with Latin vae, English woe

Yūgh “yoke” from earlier جغ‎ (joğ), from Middle Persian ywg (juğ, “yoke”), from Proto-Iranian *yugám, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *yugám, from Proto-Indo-European *yugóm. Cognate with English yoke  

Zan “woman; wife”: from Middle Persian zan, from Proto-Iranian *ǰánHh, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ǰánHs, from Proto-Indo-European *gʷḗn. Cognates include Russian жена (žena), Greek γυναίκα (gynaíka), English queen, gynecology

Zā “knee”: from Proto-Iranian *jā́nu, from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ȷ́ā́nu, from Proto-Indo-European *ǵónu. Cognate with Latin genū, English knee

Zarmān “decrepit old man; old age” From Middle Persian (zlm’n’ /zarmān/). Cognate with Sanskrit जरिमन् (jariman, “old age, decrepitude”). from Proto-Indo-European *ǵerh₂- (“to grow old”), Cognate with English geriatrics

Zesht “ugly, heinous”: from Middle Persian (zyšt’ /zišt/, “hateful, ugly”), a loanword from Avestan 𐬰𐬀𐬉𐬱𐬀‎ (zaēša) from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ȷ́ʰáyždas, from Proto-Indo-European *ǵʰéysd-os, from *ǵʰeysd- (“anger, agitation”). Cognate with Proto-Germanic *gaistaz (“ghost, mind”), English ghost, ghastly

-ande “a suffix that makes agent nouns”: from Middle Persian (-ntk’ /-andag/), from (-nt’ /-and/) +‎ (-k’ /-ag/), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *-onts. Cognate to Latin -undus/unda/undum